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President
Hoover had taken some steps to soften the impact of the economic
depression, primarily by increasing federal construction of
public works projects and urging state and local governments
also to expand their own building programs. The Administration
also encouraged voluntary efforts by employers to spread available
jobs to more people through shortened workweeks and workdays.
Hoover resisted,
however, additional spending on relief for the unemployed
that would produce a federal budget deficit, maintaining his
belief that the economy would start to improve without the
need of extraordinary government intervention. The President's
restraint inevitably led to personal attacks linking him with
the cause of distress, such as the so-called "Hoovervilles",
the shanty towns set up throughout the country where those
who had lost their homes through foreclosure lived in makeshift
shelters. Resident
of a "Hooverville". Image Source: Library
of Congress.
In 1931,
he vetoed
a bill providing bonuses for World War I veterans, disputing
the contention of its supporters that the bill would help
stimulate spending and strengthen the economy. In 1932, thousands
of veterans traveled to Washington as the
We
can not further the restoration of prosperity by borrowing
from some of our people, pledging the credit of all
of the people, to loan to some of our people who are
not in need of the money. If the exercise of these
rights were limited to expenditure upon necessities
only, there would be no stimulation to business. The
theory of stimulation is based upon the anticipation
of wasteful expenditure. It can be of no assistance
in the return of real prosperity. If this argument
of proponents is correct, we should make Government
loans to the whole people. . . .
President
Herbert Hoover's message of February 26, 1931, to House
of Representatives returning Bonus Bill without approval)
See
The
Depression Papers of Herbert Hoover, Hoover
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"Bonus
Expeditionary Force" or "Bonus Army" to
lobby unsuccessfully for Congressional passage of a new bonus
bill; even after the bill was defeated in the Senate on June
17, they stayed for weeks longer in makeshift tent camps until
troops under the command of General Douglas MacArthur were
called out on July 28 to clear the streets. MacArthur apparently
ignored orders from Hoover not to pursue the protestors to
their main camp across the river from downtown Washington,
which was destroyed by a fire of uncertain origin, but MacArthur's
praise of Hoover for his action placed responsibility on the
President for the unpopular move just as his 1932 re-election
campaign began.
The message
conveyed from the outset by Roosevelt's campaign was that
his administration would be an activist government, providing
a sharp contrast to the economic theory of the Republicans.
At the Democratic Convention in Chicago, where he broke precedent
by appearing personally to accept the nomination and address
the delegates, Roosevelt promised a "New Deal" (adapted
from his cousin Theodore Roosevelt's "square deal"):
Our
Republican leaders tell us economic laws--sacred,
inviolable, unchangeable--cause panics which no one
could prevent. But while they prate of economic laws,
men and women are starving. We must lay hold of the
fact that economic laws are not made by nature. They
are made by human beings.
Yes,
when--not if--when we get the chance, the Federal
Government will assume bold leadership in distress
relief. For years Washington has alternated between
putting its head in the sand and saying there is no
large number of destitute people in our midst who
need food and clothing, and then saying the States
should take care of them, if there are. Instead of
planning two and a half years ago to do what they
are now trying to do, they kept putting it off from
day to day, week to week, and month to month, until
the conscience of America demanded action.
I
say that while primary responsibility for relief rests
with localities now, as ever, yet the Federal Government
has always had and still has a continuing responsibility
for the broader public welfare. It will soon fulfill
that responsibility.
....I
pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the
American people. Let us all here assembled constitute
ourselves prophets of a new order of competence and
of courage. This is more than a political campaign;
it is a call to arms. Give me your help, not to win
votes alone, but to win in this crusade to restore
America to its own people.
Acceptance
speech of Franklin D. Roosevelt for Democratic Nomination,
July 2, 1932,
New Deal
Network
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Roosevelt's
campaign also departed from tradition in communicating its
message by making the candidate freely accessible to the press,
even adding a special press car to its campaign train. The
campaign also was the first to make extensive use of radio
broadcasts, exploiting Roosevelt's reassuring voice and confident
delivery that would later be effectively used during his Administration.
The positive relationships with the media cultivated by Roosevelt
also may have contributed to the unspoken policy adopted by
the media to avoid references to or photographs of his paralysis
from the effects of polio he had contracted in 1921 at the
age of 39.
After
Roosevelt's overwhelming election in November 1932, a rather
contentious relationship developed between the president-elect
and and the the outgoing Hoover administration, which continued
to urge a more cautious fiscal policy. As the public demanded
immediate action to confront the economic crisis and the Republicans
had been soundly repudiated at the polls, the protracted transition
period then provided until the new president was inaugurated
in March 1933 led to calls for a shorter transition, which
would ultimately lead to the approval of the
20th Amendment to the Constitution changing the inaugural
date to January 20 following the presidential election.
Letter
dated February 21, 1933, from President Hoover to
Ohio Republican Senator Simeon D. Fess
There
have been proposed in Congress by Democratic leaders
and publicly even by the President-elect, projects
involving federal expenditure of tremendous dimensions
which would obviously lie beyond the capacity of the
federal government to borrow without tremendous depreciation
in government securities. Such proposals as the bills
to assume Federal responsibility for billions of mortgage
loans to municipalities for public works, the Tennessee
improvement and Muscle Shoals, are all of this order.
The proposals of Speaker Garner that constitutional
government should be abandoned because the Congress,
in which there will be an overwhelming majority, is
unable to face reduction of expenses, has started
a chatter of dictatorship. The President-elect has
done nothing publicly to disavow any of these proposals....
...The
President-elect is the only man who has the power
to give assurances which will stabilize public mind
as he alone can execute them. Those assurances should
have been given before now but must be given at once
if the situation is to be greatly helped. It would
allay some fear and panic whereas delay will make
the situation more acute.
The
present administration is devoting its days and nights
to put out the fires and localize them. I have scrupulously
refrained from criticism which is well merited but
have instead been giving repeated assurances to the
country of our desire to cooperate and help the new
administration.
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Roosevelt's
Inaugural
Address on March 4 sought to reassure the public's confidence
in the economy and its institutions, focused by his famous
phrase "...the only thing we have to fear is fear itself".
So,
first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only
thing we have to fear is fear itselfnameless, unreasoning,
unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert
retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national
life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that
understanding and support of the people themselves which
is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again
give that support to leadership in these critical days.
Roosevelt
also continued to talk directly to the public through radio,
with his first of several Fireside
Chats discussing the banking crisis broadcast on March
12, 1933, just eight days after he took office. In May, he
gave further details of his other New
Deal programs.
The
rapid
pace of proposals offered during the first "hundred days"
of the Roosevelt Administration set an informal benchmark
for measuring the records of subsequent new presidents. Congress
took quick action on his broad recovery program for business
and agriculture, relief to the unemployed and to those about
to lose farms and homes, The program included massive building
projects, such as dams and hydroelectic power developed through
the establishment of the Tennessee Valley Authority, and extensive
regulation of business and labor by such new agencies as the
National
Recovery Administration established under the National
Industrial Recovery Act of 1933. A key component of the
programs were codes that business and labor were directed
to adopt on how specific industries would manage prices and
wage levels that would be submitted to the National
Recovery Administration for approval.
By 1935,
some measure of recovery was apparent, but opposition continued
to the New Deal's extraordinary intervention in the economy
and the surging federal deficits. In May, 1935, in the case
of the Schechter
Poultry Corp. v. United States the U.S. Supreme Court
invalidated the compulsory-code system as it regulated the
poultry industry on the grounds that the legislation establishing
the NRA was an unconstitutional delegation of legislative
powers to the executive and that the provisions of the poultry
code did not constitute a regulation of interstate commerce.
Subsequent decisions by the Court also held that other components
of the New Deal were unconstitutional.
Following
Roosevelt's 1936 landslide re-election in which he won every
state except Maine and Vermont and received 523 electoral
votes to just 8 for the Republican candidate Alf
Landon, he sought legislation to enlarge the Supreme Court.
Roosevelt was sworn in for his second term on January 20,
the date set by the new
20th Amendment to shorten the protracted transitions that
had been such a problem after the 1932 election. Roosevelt
sent to Congress a bill to reorganize the federal judiciary,
soon dubbed the "court-packing bill" since it would
give the president an additional judicial appointment for
each sitting federal judge over the age of 70. As applied
to the Supreme Court, it would have given the President an
additional six appointments, expanding the number of justices
from nine to 15. On March 9, 1937, Roosevelt addressed
the American public on his plan in one of his Fireside Chats:
The
Court in addition to the proper use of its judicial
functions has improperly set itself up as a third
house of the Congress - a super-legislature, as one
of the justices has called it - reading into the Constitution
words and implications which are not there, and which
were never intended to be there....
What
is my proposal? It is simply this: whenever a judge
or justice of any federal court has reached the age
of seventy and does not avail himself of the opportunity
to retire on a pension, a new member shall be appointed
by the president then in office, with the approval,
as required by the Constitution, of the Senate of
the United States.
Fireside
Chat on Reorganization of the Judiciary, March 9, 1937
The
Oyez Project, Northwestern University
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Despite
the President's efforts, the plan attracted sharp criticism
in the course of Senate Judiciary Committee hearings held
later in March. The Court also began to rule in favor of the
Administration in some sharply disputed cases, thus undermining
Roosevelt's argument that the Court was biased against reform.
Justice
Owen J. Roberts, the youngest member of the Court who
had previously voted with the conservative members, started
to vote for Roosevelt's position, giving the Administration
5 to 4 victories in key cases. In March, the Court upheld
a Washington State minimum wage law; in April it rejected
a challenge to the National Labor Relations Act; and in May
the Court found that the Social Security Act was constitutional.
By June, Roosevelt was forced to agree to a proposed compromise
that would allow him to name just two new justices; however,
this proposal lost support when the Committee issued a report
calling the plan "a needless, futile and utterly dangerous
abandonment of constitutional principle
without precedent
or justification." Democratic Majority Leader Joseph
T. Robinson, the President's prime advocate for the legislation,
also suffered chest pains shortly after the Senate floor debate
began on July 2 and died on July 14. On July 22, the Senate
voted 70-20 to send the measure back to committee, where all
the controversial language was deleted. The Senate passed
the revised legislation a week later, and Roosevelt reluctantly
signed it into law on August 26.
Soon,
the composition of the Court also changed with the retirement
or death of the older justices. In 1937, Roosevelt named Senator
Hugo
L. Black; in 1938, Solicitor General Stanley
Reed; and in 1939, Harvard Law Professor Felix
Frankfurter and Chairman of the Securities and Exchange
Commission William
O. Douglas.
By 1941, the President had appointed seven of the nine justices,
and the philosophical shift of the Court to support government
intervention would continue through at least three decades.
Resources:
The
Wall Street Crash
>> BBC
Great
Depression and World War II >> Library
of Congress
Herbert
Hoover and the Depression >> Herbert
Hoover Presidential Library-Museum
The
Bonus March, (May-July, 1932)
>> PBS.org
Educational
Tools:
1932:
Roosevelt defeats Hoover >> Department
of Political Science & International Affairs, Kennesaw
State University
Franklin
Delano Roosevelt's Deception: Was It Successful? >>
Gifted
Education and Special Education Lesson Plans and Resources,
Edmund J. Sass, Ed.D., College
of Saint Benedict, Saint John's University
New
Deal Network, Institute
for Learning Technologies, Columbia University
New
Deal Lesson Plans, New
Deal Network, Institute
for Learning Technologies, Columbia University
FDR
and the Supreme Court, New
Deal Network, Institute
for Learning Technologies, Columbia University
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